Conference proceeding
The Case for Local Conjunction: Evidence from Fyem
Proceedings of the West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, Vol.22, pp.56-69
01/01/2003
Abstract
To clarify current debate over the need for local conjunction as an explanatory mechanism in optimality theory, a set of vowel assimilation data from Fyem, a Benue-Congo language of Northern Nigeria, is analyzed using local conjunction & alternative optimality-theoretic approaches. The homophonous nominalizing & focus-marking suffixes /-i/ trigger total assimilation of a preceding root-final front or high vowel & partial assimilation of a preceding vowel that is neither front nor high; a local conjunction of high & back feature faithfulness constraints, outranking a vowel place agreement constraint that dominates individual feature faithfulness constraints, correctly predicts the outcome. Although the scalar feature faithfulness class constraints proposed by Jaye Padgett (2002) as an alternative to local conjunction also account for the Fyem data, limitation of assimilation effects to root-final /o/ in the environment of the Fyem past-tense suffix /-a/ is deemed problematic for Padgett's approach. 29 References. J. Hitchcock
Details
- Title: Subtitle
- The Case for Local Conjunction: Evidence from Fyem
- Creators
- Jill N Beckman
- Resource Type
- Conference proceeding
- Publication Details
- Proceedings of the West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, Vol.22, pp.56-69
- ISSN
- 1042-1068
- Language
- English
- Date published
- 01/01/2003
- Academic Unit
- Linguistics
- Record Identifier
- 9984222748602771
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